Reactions of Greeks and Turks to Verbal Insults | ||||
Hercules (Iraklis) Millas - May 1999 (Unpublished)
Reactions of Greeks and Turks to Verbal Insults: A Sphere of Ethnic Diversity
The Greeks of Istanbul constitute a Christian minority group within a greater Turkish and Muslim environment. Their origin, according to a nationalist historical paradigm is perceived reaching as far back as to the Byzantines, or according to a more modern interpretation, mainly to immigration of the last few centuries of populations from various areas of present-day The grecophone Christian Orthodox population of The findings show that the Turks take verbal insults more seriously than the Greeks and react in general more tensely under similar situations. Especially insults which involve family members cause sharper reactions in Definitions, The Sample, The Method
`Verbal insult` here means vituperation, coarse and contemptuous language with the deliberate intention to insult, to offend, to degrade. Normally, a reaction and even fights are expected after the utterance of such insults. It is natural however that an `insult` can be defined and understood only subjectively: an insult is only what is perceived as such. Here a series of words and expressions have been presented to the sample and the interviewers were asked to comment on the possible reactions of the Greeks and the Turks. The different reactions of Greeks and Turks not only do they show that the parties react differently to the same words but that they have also a different concept of insult. The sample consisted of ten persons, all Greeks of Istanbul, forty to fifty-nine years old, men and women equally divided who lived the greater part of their lives in The members of the sample were asked basically to comment on the reactions of the Turks and the Greeks in imaginary cases where members of each ethnic group insult verbally members of his/her own group. Inter-ethnic insults were not questioned. In other words the sample was asked to imagine they were only observers, not participating in the conflict and to say what they thought would happen if a Turk and a Greek each is insulted in his own country by one of his countryman. In each they were asked to compare behaviors. The finding may be interpreted to reflect mostly the tendencies of Turks of Istanbul and of the Greeks of Athens respectfully for a period between 1950 and 1999. The sample consists of a relatively homogeneous urban population and they reflect views that correspond to this environment. These observations are a valuable source of information. The same questions were asked to each of the interviewed; first about the Turks whom they experienced in Myself, also a member of the minority group of Greek of Istanbul, carried out the interviews, interpreted the findings but utilized personal experiences in both countries to reach to some conclusions as presented below. The Questions Asked
All the members of the group who were interviewed shared almost common views on the reactions and habits of the Turks and the Greeks with respect to verbal insults. They differed in details, for example in their speculations as of what could have happened eventually and in their interpretations as to the reasons of the behaviors. The Greeks of Istanbul did not anticipate different behaviors according to the education level and social status of the Greeks and of the Turks. In general the tendency was to judge the more educated people and those of a higher status in both countries to be more `polite` but the main difference was perceived to be basically ethnic. Class difference was not presented as a source of differentiation. The sample was presented with various `verbal insults` which belong to different categories. The two main categories are the insults which are addressed 1) directly to persons, and 2) indirectly to group identity and group beliefs. As verbal insults of the first kind, the personal, were characterizations associating persons to negative images (animal, donkey etc.), apparent personal deficiencies, indicating low capacity or sexual trends which in both case infer low social esteem (idiot, gay, etc.) and others which normally are expressed as dishonorable actions. The sample was asked to comment only on some selected verbal insults, shown below in block letters. Some examples of such personal insults in Turkish (T) and in Greek (G) are the following, all much more insulting than they would appear to an English speaker¨:
T: hayvan (animal), eşek (donkey), öküz (ox), ayı (bear), it (dog) G: ζώο (animal), γαϊδούρι (donkey), βόδι (ox), σκύλα (bitch - only for feminine) T: aptal, enayi, salak, hödük, geri zekalı, ebleh (all mean stupid) G: βλάκα (idiot), μαλάκα (idiot) T: ibne, puşt, götlek, ulan (all mean homosexual, gay, poofter), orospu (whore), piç (bastard), manyak (maniac), siktir (close to 'fuck you'), sikerim (it is rather a threat of hurming and not a proper cursing) G – πούστη (gay, poofter), πουτάνα (whore), μπάσταρδε (bastard), γαμώ το (fuck), σικτήρ (close to fuck), α γαμίσου (fuck you), κωλόπαιδο (poofter) T: ağzına sıçayım (shit in your mouth), bok (shit), bok ye (eat shit), G: Να σε χέσω (I shit on you), σκατά/σκατό (shit).
Insults of the second group, addressed towards groups and group identities refer to family connections, religious identities and ethnic identities. Some examples of sexual content are the following.
T: orospu çocuğu (son of a whore), piç (bastard), eşekoğlu eşek (son of a donkey), ayı oğlu ayı (son of a bear), ananı sikeyim (I fuck your mother), sülaleni sikeyim (I fuck your family), avradını sikeyim (fuck your wife/woman), G: μπάσταρδε (bastard), γαμώ την μάνα σου (I fuck your mother).
Other examples of `religious` and group insults are the following:
T: gavur (infidel), götü boklu (shitty ass, inferring the “infidel” since Muslims wash their backside after going to toilets), kuyruklu (with tail), Yunan gavuru (Greek infidel), G: Βλάχε (literally Vlach, meaning stupid, uneducated), Γύφτο (literally Gypsy, meaning base, inferior personality) , âÜñâáñïò (barbarian). T: dinini imanını … (your religion and your belief...), kitabını sikeyim (I fuck your book, meaning your holy book), G: Γαμώ τον Χριστό μου/σου (I fuck my/your Christ!), Γαμώ την Παναγιά μου/σου (I fuck your/my Virgin Marry!).[3] There is naturally a wide range of verbal insults in each country. For example, in Turkish: anasını siktiğim (the one whose mother I fucked), amına koyduğum (the pussy of whose I put, meaning 'fucked'). But there are also signs with fingers in both sides which signify heavy insults; the open hand with the fingers wide open is very popular in The words presented to the sample and asked to be commented on are the ones in block letters above and common in both countries and thus suitable to make comparisons. Insults related to religious and ethnic characteristics were not introduced to the sample because corresponding insults do not exist in both sides. For example, the Turkish side uses insults which are against the belief of the `other`, whereas in the Greek case there are cases in which the Christian religion itself is insulted. Actually, the `Christ-Virgin` insults should not be interpreted as `Christian` per se, but as `religious` in general and also directed to the religion of the `other`. As for the version `Fuck my Christ` can be interpreted as a form which lessens the effect of an insult which would be `Fuck your Christ`. Eventually, in case of doubt of noticeable correspondence, Greeks of Istanbul were not asked to comment on dubious expressions which can be misinterpreted. How do Turks and Greeks React to Insults?
The general impression of Greeks of Istanbul is that the verbal insults in The sample was given numbers from 1 to 10. Here are some distinct observations with respect to insults in the two communities, the Turks and the Greeks: No. 6 said Turks will resort to insults less often and will try to avoid verbal controversy; Greeks have a `bigger mouth` and insult more often. In No. 5 said that after he migrated to No. 8 said that if a Turk who is indisputably superior in social rank insults a socially lower Turk, the one hurt may accept the insult submissively. In No 9 said that Greeks would not take seriously the words `Να σε χέσω` (shit on you), since the Greeks anyhow say so often `Χέσε μας!`, (`shit on us!).[4] If you say `fuck your mother` in All Greeks of Istanbul that were interviewed were in agreement that in both countries the rudest and most `dangerous` insult was the one associated sexually with the family: `I fuck you mother`; but in Turkey it was much worse to utter such an insult. As sample No 2 of this group, I personally find myself in tune with all of the above observations. My personal experience in In I am also convinced that I have `changed` after started living in Greece and now I have a tendency to use verbal insults more freely in Greece than I used to in Turkey. My father once in I served in the Turkish army and I lived for sixteen months on a twenty-four hour basis with Turks of all social strata in I also had noticed that the soldiers were too sensitive to some words. Once for example, they reacted to my use of `ulan`, a word used widely in Turkey and which according to the intonation may mean from a innocent `my good man` to a rude `bastard`. Etymologically the word means `boy` implying a `gay`. What then surprised me was that the soldiers did not react when the officers addressed to them with the same `ulan`. It was not the word itself but the relationship of the insulting-insulted that made the great difference. They could take the insult form a `superior` but not from me who was `equal` to them. Then I shared living quarters with Greeks in a construction company in
The Identity of the Greeks and the Turks
It was after I migrated to The Greeks of Istanbul who were interviewed did not seem to notice however, that they distanced themselves, first from the Turks and then from the Greeks of Greece. They used a discourse full of a sense of surprise, of criticism, of disapproval, of contempt, of ridicule when they explained how the `other` behaved. First they spoke as non-Turks when they explained the behavior of the Turks and then as non-Greeks when they described the Greeks of Greece. They reacted to the Turkish behavior judging it as too harsh, aggressive, austere, perceiving it as the result of primitive sense of honor and they sounded like Greeks as they criticized the `other`; but then when they talked about the Greeks they seemed to disapprove them as well, as if they meant that the Greeks were too conciliatory, soft-hearted, pliant, submissive and even without pride, dignity and honor. The members of the sample as a whole placed themselves `in between` the two groups and they criticized both the Turks of Turkey and the Greeks of Greece. They did not specified what the proper way of behavior ought to be. However, through their behavior on matters of verbal insults they seem to tend to be closer to the Turkish practice. Their behavior in The Greeks of Istanbul seem to be more at odds with the practices of Athenians than of inhabitants of On the other hand, the usual Turkish cursing where the insult is attributed to the `family`, e.g., `son of donkey` etc., is not widespread among the Greeks both of Greece and of Istanbul. The same applies to insults associated to a group through religion (the Turkish `infidel` for example); such insults are not popular in the Greek insulting pattern. A conclusion which can be drawn from this special position of Greeks of Istanbul is that `ethnicity`, in the sense of a common Greek language, a Christian Orthodox religion, a sense of ethnic identity (common history, descent, ancestry) etc., are not enough to compose a common and accepted behavior. A common ethnic identity, even if it is readily accepted by the people involved, can not conceal some significant distinct behavioral features which have a regional or inter-ethnic origin. Other social forces, apart from the ethnic one, may better explain the difference between ethnic groups. Some `Greeks` can behave differently than other `Greeks` and in some specific cases closer to `Turks`. The different behaviors connected to verbal insults can be the result, not only to national e.g., Greek and Turkish characteristics, but also to religious, to cultural, social, regional etc., features which can be perceived as factors independent of `ethnicity`.[5] National identity is not enough to identify the behavior of groups and sub-groups of people which are generally perceived as ethnic entities.
Turkish and Greek Societies and Some Differences
In spite of the above mentioned reservations with respect to the capacity of `national` paradigm, still some general results can be drawn about the insulting habits of the two nations and societies, i.e., the Turks and the Greeks. The Turks seem more sensitive to matters of group identity and especially to matters of `family`, `descent`, `forefathers`, `parentage` etc. Traditional societies are expected to have stronger family bonds. The Muslim societies are more sensitive to family connections, too. For example the range of adjectives used to specify relationships between members of a Muslim family is richer than that of the Christians (e.g., two different words to distinguish `uncle` from the father or mother side etc.). A Turkish young lady whom I interviewed exceptionally on these matters, narrated to me that her mother was very upset when she once, as a small child, had said `eşekoğlu eşek` (son of donkey) to her sister, a very mild insult if uttered without stress, which would correspond to, say, `idiot` in the West. Her mother had then explained to her that this word was against the dead and her grandfather, too. The Turkish lady added that she still feels that `insulting a family member is very bad, all Turks feel like that`. The Greeks seem to be more `at ease` and more `flexible` with verbal insults than Turks. They swear more freely, using insulting characterizations against individuals, families and even pious symbols and they do not react so violently when they face similar insults. One explanation of the difference between the two ethnic groups may be that those `bad word` are not insulting in the case of the Greeks. It is not the degree of tolerance to the `same` insult that is different but simply the perception of insult is different in the two societies. However, a closer inspection may disclose much more complex relationships. There may exist other factors which also determine the distinct ethnic behaviors. For example, a study on verbal discourse of Greeks related to talking to children and to status of power, shows a `disbelief regarding verbal utterances`.[6] This study showed in the Greek case a `disjunction between words and action (40)... [T]he link between word and action - between statement of intention and commitment to act - is not a direct one (45)... Statements will not be taken at face value` (47). The same `disbelief` may exist in Greek discourse in general, also influencing `verbal insults`. Greeks, in opposition to Turks, may not associate words with actual situation. The Turkish society seems to have a different perception about `words`: they are taken on their face value, there is a link of word and action, etc. This difference was clearly noticed by some Greeks of Istanbul, too. One may even notice some linguistic peculiarities in Turkish and Greek. The `word` (‘söz’ in Turkish and ‘λόγος’ in Greek) in both languages also means `promise`; as it is in English: `I keep my word`. But in Greek the plural of `word` (λόγια) means `empty words` or `words, words`. In Turkish `laf` is used to denote `empty words`. `Söz' in Turkish has a solemn character. If singled by itself it directly means `promise!` But it is more like an oath. In Turkish there is a saying which equates `word` as `promise` to God: `Söz bir Allah bir', which means something like `There is only one word and there is only one Allah`. The particularity of God is the basic principle of Islam. The Greeks of Istanbul having lived in a Muslim environment the last decades they might have been influenced with this solemn understanding of `words`. This may be one explanation of their relatively developed sensitivity, literal interpretation and of identification with particular verbal insults. * There is however, an apparent paradox with respect to insults in the two societies. As it has been mentioned above, there are cases in Turkish society where insults are tolerated at a greater degree than it is in The `inferior` Turk does not normally answer back when insulted by a `superior`. Nor is this unequal relationship considered a very dishonorable situation for either the `superior` or the `subordinate`: it is seen as a consequence of a socially accepted relationship. Almost all the examples given previously above and where the Turks were reacting with fervour against insults, were cases where the insults were exchanged between equals or among people unknown to each other, e.g., in the street, where a hierarchy was not apparent. In a hierarchical society an insult can be thought of playing the role of a code, demonstrating a power relation. Therefore, between unequals, insults can be tolerated, whereas between equals the same insult can be perceived as a challenge to the status of the insulted. Then the cursing assumes another meaning: it is a fight of status, of superiority, of power on an environment where superiority/inferiority consciousness is relatively strong.[7] The case is different in The situation changes however, when Greeks face other Greeks who appear with a somehow recognized `superiority`. This superior status may be apparent due to a particular legal or by other, historically speaking, newly introduced criteria, such as wealth, managerial position etc. In these cases, that is, when inequality is accepted, introduced or inferred, shouting and verbal insults attain a new dimension. Then the insulting words assume an `injuring` effect in an egalitarian society. In such a case verbal insult is a means of asserting a hierarchical relationship, the superiority/inferiority relationship influencing the insulting/insulted individual. This may be the reason that harsh words between `unequals` is relatively rare in
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[1] For the history of Greeks of [2] The use of `Hellene` and `Romios/Rum` is very complex. Their use has changed the last centuries and various Greek and Turkish groups use these terms denoting something different. For example the Turks presently distinguish the `Yunan` (Greek) from the `Rum` who does not carry a Greek citizenship; therefore `Rum`s are the Greek-Americans too. The Greeks of Greece may use the two words as synonyms but `Hellene` sounds more glorious than the humble `Romios`. The `Greeks of Istanbul` distinguish themselves as `Romios` and use the word `Hellene` to specify a Greek (Hellene/Romios) of [3] This kind of cursing which is associated to piety is known in [4] This expression in Greek is used in the sense of 'leave me alone!`. [5] See for example Hirschon: 1998 and especially pp. 30-33 for cases where Greeks from Anatolia (Turkey) came in contact with Greeks of Greece due to the forced exchange of population between Greece and Turkey in 1923. [6] See: Hirschon, R (1992). `Greek Adult's Verbal Play, Or How to Train for Caution`, Journal of Modern Greek Studies, 10. [7] For a similar power relationship see: Tannen, Deborah (1986). That's Not What I Mean! How Conversational Style Makes or Breaks Your Relationship With Others, |